By John Krige
In 1945, the U.S. used to be not just the most powerful fiscal and army strength on the planet; it was once additionally the world's chief in technology and know-how. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technological know-how in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the United States. They mobilized political and monetary aid to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly battle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this try out at clinical dominance by way of the usa might be noticeable as a kind of "consensual hegemony," related to the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this idea to investigate a sequence of case reviews that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential individuals of the medical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize clinical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations learn. He information U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's examine indicates how consensual hegemony in technological know-how not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet turned otherwise of conserving American management and "making the area secure for democracy."
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Additional resources for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe
This package of measures was meant both to give expression to German aspirations and to contain them within structures that could channel them in line with Western interests. Everybody combined awe for Germany’s scientific, technological, and economic potential with the fear that, if unleashed, that potential might once again be mobilized to achieve German supremacy. ”20 What would happen if, once back on its feet, the country maneuvered between East and West to achieve unity, even being willing to align itself to that end with the Soviet Union (which ardently supported German unification)?
The United States made aid to Britain, France, and Italy (which their governments desperately sought) conditional on their acceptance of its policies for Germany, creating immense anxiety in France in particular. To still French fears of being overrun again and to fill the gap created by Britain’s decision to decrease the size of its armed forces, Washington eventually agreed to maintain an important military presence in Western Europe within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
S. policymakers were convinced that if Communist parties held the upper hand, American aid, instead of being used to develop a freemarket economy, would be directed to quite other objectives. 15 In that same month, Italy’s Christian Democratic leader, Alcide de Gasperi, under pressure from the United States, but also the Catholic Church and his country’s pro-American south, formed a coalition that excluded the Communists from power. S. dollars. In the event, negotiations with the Soviets over the implementation of the plan soon collapsed due to intransigence and suspicion on both sides.